Racism In Contemporary Britain

Racism In Contemporary BritainThe embodyence of wakes in a presumption hunting lodge presupposes the presence of racial favoritism, for without racialism, somatic characteristics atomic number 18 devoid of social moment (Van den Berghe, 1978, p.11).This represents a tension, explored at bottom this taste, between the in powerfulness to categorise charitable beingnesss into separate look sharps on the basis of physical difference (Peoples and Bailey, 2011) and the fact that such categorisation occurs, base on the misconception that socially constructed concepts of racial difference are an objective reality (Barak et al., 2010). As the existence of race relies fundamentally upon its aspect deep down society (Marger, 2011), it appears, within this essay, as race. In examining the existence of racial discrimination in coeval Britain, a number of commentarys allow be explored, however, a commonality among them is their dependence on the explanation of race, demo nstrating, I would compete, the equally, socially, constructed, nature of racial discrimination (Capdevila and Callaghan, 2007).By examining immigration and Asylum constitution, this essay will analyse how differing definitions of racism, let off its continued existence, within a seemingly tolerant society (Wemyss, 2009). It similarly considers how immigrants and mental institution seekers are sensed and treated within society, beca determination in im turn offr to occurring at form _or_ system of government level, racism is a lived pay back (Lentin, 2011). I do non consider the definitions examined, namely biological, new, institutional and ethnic racism, to be an stark(a) list and recognise that considering its existence from other constructs, may give a different picture of contemporaneous Britain, further demonstrating the need for a little approach to concepts of racism and its existence within society (Zamudio et al., 2011). I will finish by exploring wheth er accurately defining racism, preserves its prevalence, or whether pursuing the annihilation of negative life chances, for minority ethnic groups, is non more salutary than the categorisation of discrimination.Although it is nowadays commonly recognised that on that point are no biological differences, by which races target be categorised (Nanda and Warms, 2010), this concept continues to crap the foundation for biological racism and associates such difference with a behavioral hierarchy in terms of morals and intellect (Smedley and Smedley, 2005). This concept of hierarchy, I would lay out, is integral to racism, in that the self is constructed as superior and the other as inferior (Rivers, 2008). Having proven the non-existence of race, this form of racism could be considered outdated and irrelevant, however, I would signal that its prevalence is still apparent within scientific sermon and public opinion (Lentin, 2011). In recent political debate, for example, around trim the spread of HIV within the UK, by providing free discussion to unconnected nationals (HAUK Select Committee, 2011), objectors have showd that this will increase immigration, out of a zest for free medical handling (Department of Health, 2005). Whilst I would not deny the greater prevalence of HIV in just about parts of the world, and in that locationfore some ethnic groups, associating this with the motivation for immigration, within such ethnic groups, being to generate advantage of free resources, I would argue, has biologically racial undertones. In addition, there is no evidence that the provision of free HIV treatment would force such health tourism (NAT., 2008).With racism being legislated once morest (Race Relations Act, 1976), racist undertones are now more common than overt racism, when fetching a biologically racist perspective (Jiwani and Richardson, 2011) and the denial of racism within Immigration and Asylum policy, arguing that its not racist to imp ose limits on immigration ( unprogressive Party, 2005), is unsurprising. Whilst immigration rules, by their nature, discriminate between those who have, and do not have, the sort out to remain in the UK, I would argue that this discrimination is only biologically racist, if lasts are do on the basis of physical difference. As such, it could be argued that the Conservative discourse is justified, in that some criterion are needful for immigration control, merely that such rules do not refer to point racial groups having characteristics determining their suitability for immigration (Sriskandarajah, 2006). Whilst this argument does not necessarily prove the lack of racism within Immigration Policy, it demonstrates how one definition of racism, in this case biological, dirty dog be used to deny its existence, whereas, as this essay will demonstrate, constructing alternative definitions highlights greater prevalence of racism within Immigration and Asylum policy.A combination of factors, including legislation, scientific rationale bed the non-existence of race and eugenics movements, have resulted in traditional forms of racism being constructed as socially un grateful, causing a reduction, although not eradication, in overt, racist behavior and a denial of racist conception (Romm, 2010). If my intellect of racism, therefore, were restricted to a biological definition, I might argue that its existence within contemporary Britain has reduced. By redefining racism, however, in the light of its social unacceptability, to subtler, indirect forms, the existence of racism, I would argue, in both Immigration and Asylum policy and wider British society, can still be seen. This subtler definition, known as New Racism (Collins and Solomos, 2010), argues that the kindred flavour in racial superiority underpins many current discourses, solely that new address is used to represent these traditional beliefs, for example, substituting race with immigrant or asylum seeker (Kimber, 2010).Returning to the Conservative Manifesto (2005), if no inference of racism exists within policy proposals, then why is there a need for rhetoric which defends a non-racist position? The powerful use of language is evident in this kind of discourse, because in addition to denying racist intent, arguments are constructed, such that, accusations of racism are deemed irrational, making any under wraps(predicate) or indirect forms of racism difficult to challenge (Goodman and Burke, 2011). In Conservative leader, Michael Howards election campaign (2005), for example, the need for stricter immigration control is argued to be based on common sense, rather than racist principles. Mr. Howard categorises immigrants as good and bad, with those being different and not encompassing British values, deemed bad (Btihaj, 2006). Being a child of immigrants, he classifies himself a good immigrant, for whom racism is unacceptable because he is one of them, however, Michael is whi te, and therefore does not look different and his immigrant Father is Romanian, a Christian, European country whose values and cultures are more in kris with Britishness than perhaps, non-white, non-Christian countries, making conforming to the image of good immigrant, much easier for him (Capdevila and Callaghan, 2007). In this way, I would argue that, although new language is used, racist beliefs underpin this discourse, in describing acceptable immigrants as white, with similar culture and values, and conversely less acceptable immigrants, as non-white individuals, refusing to conform to our culture and values. A biological definition would deny racism within this speech, whereas, a new racism definition highlights underlying racist discourse, which may result in the performance of racist immigration policies. I would argue that this further demonstrates the contested and constructed nature of racism, which can be made to exist, or not, on the basis of its definition.This coded use of language can also be seen in wider public attitudes, within the UK. Where terms like lazy, anomalous and unprincipled were historically used to describe racial groups, they are now connected with immigrants and asylum seekers (Craig, 2007). Similarly, Finney and Peach (2006) found that although discriminatory views have shifted from race to immigrants and asylum seekers, similar language, and reasons for feelings of animosity, are used in describing both groups. A biologically racist perspective, could argue that attitudes toward ethnic minorities have improved within the UK, but I would argue that, considering a new racism definition, although language and tension have changed, racist attitudes still prevail within contemporary British society.Another perspective in understanding racism, is to consider how policies, decision making and institutional practices pee-pee and define racism, rather than individual belief systems. This institutional definition of racism, argue s that, policies are constructed to both subordinate, and maintain control over, feature racial groups (Carmichael and Hamilton, 1969). In this way, racism is the creation of inferiority through the implementation of organisational policies and procedures (Better, 2008) and is rooted in the processes of established and respected forces within society, which I would argue makes them less likely to be challenged than individual acts of racism (Carmichael and Hamilton, 1969). Institutional racism can occur unintentionally, by unwitting prejudice and racial stereotyping creating policies and ethnic practices which disadvantage ethnic minorities (Macpherson, 1999). The complexity of institutional racism is that, organisations cannot make decisions or policies, without the presence of individuals and therefore questions whether an institution can be racist, or whether racism results from the influence of individuals within that institution (Roush, 2008).The UK Border Agency, in working predominantly with immigrants and asylum seekers, in my view, holds world-shattering potential for institutional racism. Whether such racism is intentional is contested, but irrespectively, I would argue that, some immigration policies disproportionately disadvantage certain ethnic minorities. Recent changes to work permit policies, for example, implicate that restaurants employing chefs from outside the EU, must find applicants with at least 5 old age experience and graduate-level qualifications, paying them at least 28,260 a year (Home self-assurance, 2011). Although this policy is applied to all restaurants and its implementation aims to prioritise jobs for British citizens, I would argue that restaurants providing cuisine originating outside Europe, are likely to be disproportionately impact by this policy and that such businesses are likely to be have by, and employing individuals of, ethnic minorities (Khaleeli, 2012). In this way, whether intentionally or not, I would argue that these immigration changes are institutionally racist, in that their negative impact, upon ethnic minorities, is unjustifiably disproportionate. This again demonstrates, I would argue, how the definition of racism taken, can significantly impact its perceive existence within contemporary British society. A biological definition, for example, would argue that decisions are not being made on the basis of physical difference, as all individuals are receiving the same treatment, and therefore the policy is not racist. Similarly, new racism, by examining the language used, could still conclude that the intention of this policy, is not to favour any particular racial group. The difference, I would argue, with institutional racism, is that intent is less important than impact and therefore, racism can be deemed to exist if the outcomes for ethnic minorities are disproportionately worse than the general population, which in see to it to this policy, I would argue, could be the c ase.The final perspective being explored, heathenish racism, is argued by some to simply be an extension of new racism (Jacobson, 2008). inside immigration and asylum discourse, however, I would argue, the language of culture so ofttimes replaces that of race, as to make a distinct exploration of ethnic racism beneficial (Diller, 2010). Cultural racism relates to the belief that less dominant cultures are dysfunctional, maladaptive or even deviant, emphasising individual failings, rather than a societal failure to accommodate difference (Williams, 2007). Although it could be argued that this moves too far from a valid definition of racism, this depends upon how race is defined and if there are no biological differences by which races can be categorised, then the socially constructed differences which create racism, may also be cultural differences (Pon, 2009). In this way cultural racism is both the negatively, differential treatment on the basis of cultural difference (Hill, 2008 ) and the denial of opportunity to express ones culture (Ford, 2005).Muslims are frequently constructed, for example, as a homogenous group, when in reality the diversity of individuals classifying themselves as Muslim, is too vast to validate a single identity (Al-Azmeh, 2007). disrespect this, the term Muslim has become a way of describing ethnicity, both in politics and public opinion (Wilson, 2007). This process of homogenisation, I would argue, has caused ideas of fundamentalism, and terrorist intent, to be attributed to the Muslim identity, constructing them, in some respects, as an confrontation of British society (Todorov and Brown, 2010). This is not only a discriminatory and inaccurate portrayal of a various(a) group, but also culturally racist in the way such beliefs are played out in the implementation of policy and treatment of Muslims within British society (Qasmiyeh, 2010). This can be seen in proposed legislative changes, following the terrorist attacks of Septem ber 2001, where Prime Minister, Tony Blair, argued a need for increased ability to exclude and remove those suspected of terrorism and those seeking to abuse the asylum system (Hansard, 2001). In addition, in describing the attacks, Mr. Blair highlighted the terrorists motivation as a religious obligation set out in the Islamic Holy text, the volume (ibid). This demonstrates, I would argue, an underlying discourse associating both Muslims and asylum seekers with terrorism (Huysmans and Alessandra, 2008). move on political statements in the subsequent decade, I would argue, cemented this construction of Muslims as the enemy (Pantazis and Pemberton, 2009). In 2006, for example, a report on countering terrorism (Cabinet Office, 2006) concluded that the well-nigh prominent threat came from Islamist extremists. Furthermore John Denham, as Home Office minister, suggested that behind a minority group of terrorists, sat a wider Islamic community, who considered terrorism to be a legitim ate response to current concerns (Denham, 2007).A consequence of this negative construction of Muslims, I would argue, is the discriminatory treatment of immigrants and asylum seekers who identify as Muslim (Pantazis and Pemberton, 2009). Risk-profiling computers, for example, determining on entry to the UK who should be scanned, searched and questioned, have been found to focus upon Muslim-specific behaviours, categorising practising Muslims as high risk (Webber, 2012). This is a clear demonstration, I would argue, of cultural racism, in determining negatively, differential treatment on the basis of cultural identity, further highlighting how the existence of racism, is rattling much dependent upon the way in which it is defined. Biological racism, for example, would argue that the place of ethnic diversity within Islam, indicates that any discriminatory treatment toward Muslims, cannot be racist, as underlying, discriminatory, motivations are not based upon biological difference . Similarly, although much of the discrimination explored, occurs at an institutional level, Institutional Racism is based on the impact of policies and practices upon racial, not cultural or religious, groups and so would not consider the matters explored to prove the existence of racism, within contemporary British society.Having considered varying definitions of racism, I would conclude that its existence, within contemporary British society, is complex and can be argued to be both prevalent and a thing of the past (Rattansi, 2007). By taking a biological perspective, this essay has considered that, although racist undertones may exist in some immigration and asylum discourse, its prevalence within British society is decreasing (Day, 2011). Alternatively, by taking an institutional view, where it is not intent but impact which is measured, the existence of racism has been highlighted, through some UK policies and institutions disproportionately, disadvantaging ethnic minorities. Similarly, by considering racism from the perspective of new language being used in place of traditionally racist terms, the prevalence of racism increases significantly, specifically, as this essay had demonstrated, within Immigration and Asylum policy. Finally, by extending this new racism definition to the replacement of racialised language, with that of culture, this essay has demonstrated how specific groups continue to experience significant levels of racism within British society, both in terms of policy construction and public attitude (Allen, 2010). Reflecting upon these various constructions of racism, I would argue that its perceived existence is highly dependent upon the definition used.Whilst this analysis has examined the existence of racism, it could be said that it does not explain its existence. Why is it that some groups consider it leave to negatively treat others, on the basis of their race? I would argue that the answer to this, is power. With biological racism , it is seen in the superiority and inferiority of racial groups, on the premise that biological difference creates a natural hierarchy. With new racism, it is seen in powerful discourses which paint racist ideologies as rational and in the vanquish interests of Britain, whilst in reality maintaining the authoritative position of the powerful (Capedevila and Callaghan, 2007). With institutional racism, it is seen in those with the power to create policy and organisational procedures, constructing these to maximise the benefits for themselves and maintain their position of authority. Finally, with cultural racism, it is seen in the view that inferior and less developed cultures should be chuck out and individuals from such cultural groups assimilated into the dominant culture, accepting the superiority of these cultural norms.In light of this, I would argue, that if the existence of racism is determined by its definition and the purpose of racism is to maintain power, then a critic al understanding of the constructed nature of racism, is paramount in assessing the discourses and policy proposals of those with such power. This reflection has also caused me to question the extent to which an academic pursuit of categorising behaviours, policies and ideologies as racist, is beneficial and if instead, it is deflecting the focus from challenging negative discrimination, faced by certain groups, irrespective of their experience fitting our socially constructed definition of racism. In conclusion, however, I would argue that, as racism is now considered both legally and morally wrong, if it can be accurately defined and its existence proved and highlighted, then work can be achieved towards its eradication (Cole, 2009).